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Life and Works of Abu 'Abd
Allah Rudaki
By
I. Bashiri
Copyright Bashiri 2002, 2008
According to Sam'ani in Lubab Al-Ansab, Rudaki's full name is Abu 'Abd Allah
Ja'far ibn Muhammad ibn Hakim ibn Abd al-Rahman ibn Adam.[1] He has the
distinct privilege of being not only the founder of Perso-Tajik literature
but also one of its most prominent poets.[2] He is also the first among his
peers to have a diwan and the first to use poetic meters in the composition
of longer pieces like Kalila wa Dimnah and Sandbad Name. [3] Some have
attributed Rudaki's fame to the grandeur of the court of his patron Nasr ibn
Ahmad II (914-943). Fortunately, enough of his poetry (in various genres:
masnavi, qit'ah, ghazal, ruba'i, and marsiyyah) is extant to establish his
unequivocal mastery of the art and to prove that, on his own, he merits the
unsurpassed greatness that is attributed to him.[4] In fact, the poetic
standards that he established in the 9th century endured for centuries and
guided Persian poets until the advent of Muhammad Taqi Bahar (1880-1951).
The contributions of Rudaki in setting standards are remarkable. Although the
revitalized Persian language used during his time had developed sufficiently
to express the sentiments, needs, and aspirations of the people, it lacked
the means necessary to convey those aspects of the culture in a technical,
yet elegant and thought-provoking manner.[5] Rudaki met that challenge.
Additionally, the Persian language, which had been neglected for two hundred
years prior to his time,[6] did not have sufficient letters to represent all
its sounds.[7] However, when a new script was developed based on the Arabic
alphabet, Rudaki used it to reeducate Iranians and to alert them to the
significance of their language in any project that would attempt to
revitalize Iran's ancient heritage.[8] He was also wise when writing his own
verses to avoid using ornate Arabic words and Qur'anic phrases, especially at
a time when the other court poets promoted their works in just that way. This
is not meant to deny that Rudaki used common themes from pre-Islamic Arabia
or Islamic terminology like shabi lilt al-qadr, halal, makruh, haram, and the
like. In fact, the names of a number of prominent Islamic figures like
al-Shafi'i, Abu Hanifa, and Abu Tammam Taii appear in his verses. In this
regard, his "Three Shirts of Joseph" is noteworthy. It reads:
Transcription
Nigarina shenidastam ki gahi mehnatu rahat
Si pirahan salab budast yusef ra bi 'umr andar
Yaki az kaid shud pur khun, duwwum shud chak az tuhmat
Siwwum Ya'qubra az bush rushan gasht chishmi tar
Rukham manad ba-dan awwal, dilam manad ba-dan sani
Nasibi man shawad dar wasl an pirahani digar
Translation
Dearest. I have heard that during his toil and comfort,
Altogether, Joseph had three shirts to his name.
One was bloodied by mischief, the other torn by slander,
The third returned sight to the tearful eyes of Jacob.
My face resembles the first, my heart the second,
Only if in reunion, would I be blessed with the third.[9]
In general, however, instead of on religion, Rudaki relied on his unique
poetic talent and his gift of singing his lyrics while playing the lute.
Rudaki was born in the village of Banuj, in the Rudak district of Samarqand,
in AD 858. We are better informed about Rudaki's early life than about the
early lives of his contemporaries, thanks to the contributions of the
chronicler 'Awfi. According to him, Rudaki was so intelligent and sharp that
by the age of eight he had memorized the entire text of the Qur'an. Soon
after he learned to read Persian, he composed poetry that was most appealing
to his people who were scattered in the foothills of the Zarafshan Mountains.
Again, according to 'Awfi, Rudaki had a pleasant voice, a talent that
connected him with the world of the musicians and dancers of his time. We
learn that his lute teacher was the famed Abu al-'Anak Bakhtiyar[10] under
whom the art of patvazhak[11]—singing—was elevated to its highest level. In
due course, he excelled his master and created the ruba'i and the taraneh
genres. His poetic talent combined with his skill at playing the lute, and
his good voice gained him great renown. Eventually, he was summoned to the
court of Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II where he spent most of his life. A good part
of his time was spent on the supervision of the work of junior poets, a
position that became a prominent feature of the courts of later Samanid and
Ghaznavid rulers and which benefited 'Unsuri the most.[12]
At the time of Rudaki, the Samanid court was the hub of the literary,
scientific, economic, and social activities of the lands of the eastern
caliphate. The Arab invasion had dislocated Iranians from Ctesiphon, Susa,
and Ray, and relocated them in Transoxiana. In two centuries, a new Iranian
milieu had developed and gained semi-independence. Saman Khuda seized upon
this opportunity that had come to the Iranian lands. Centering his rule on
Bukhara, he created the Samanid dynasty with a firm policy of reviving the
lost legacy of the Iranian peoples.[13]
Rudaki served at the court of the Samanids of Bukhara (874-999), the only
dependency in the Caliphate that was strong enough to promote nationalism and
opulent and wise enough to push the frontiers of knowledge, rivaling Baghdad.
Al-Tha'alibi, a contemporary traveler, provides a vivid description of life
at the court of the Samanid Amirs:
"Bukhara was, under the Samanid rule, the Focus of Splendour, the Shrine
of Empire, the Meetingplace of the most unique intellects of the Age, the
Horizon of the literary stars of the World, and the Fair of the greatest
scholars of the Period. Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Musa al-Musawi related to me
as follows: 'My father Abu'l-Hasan received an invitation to Bukhara in the
days of the Amir-i-Sa'id [Nasr II b. Ahmad, reigned A.D. 913-942], and there
were gathered together the most remarkable of its men of letters . . . And
when these were settled in familiar conversation one would engage with
another in plucking the fringes of some discussion, each offering to the
other fragrant flowers of dialectic, and pursuing the perfumes of Culture,
and letting fall in succession necklaces of pearls, and blowing on magical
knots. And my father said to me, "O my son, this is a notable and
red-letter day: make it an epoch as regards the assembling of the standards
of talent and the most incomparable scholars of the age, and remember it,
when I am gone, amongst the great occasions of the period and the notable
moments of thy life. For I scarcely think that in the lapse of the years thou
wilt see the like of these met together." And so it was, for never again
was my eye brightened with the sight of such a gathering.' "[14]
Rudaki's acquaintance with Bakhtiyar opened a new vista in his life—music. He
traveled with Bakhtiyar all around the Kuhistan (the present-day Tajik
highlands), composing and singing. When Bakhtiyar passed away and left him
his famous lute, Rudaki continued the tradition and enjoyed a growing fame.
By this time, he could have served at courts of lesser lights like Ahmad ibn
Isma'il, Abu Ja'far Banuyeh, and Makan ibn Kaki. It is his acquaintance with
Abu al-Fazl Bal'ami, however, that leads to his access to the court of
Bukhara and to a prosperous life.[15]
There are several questions in Rudaki's life that have engaged the attention
of researchers the most. For instance, there is an assertion in 'Awfi to the
effect that Rudaki was blind from birth (az madar nabina amadeh).[16] But
'Awfi's assertion is not supported by other chroniclers of the time such as
Sam'ani, Nizami 'Aruzi, and the anonymous author of Tarikhi Sistan (The
History of Sistan). Could a poet conjure up delicate and delightful images of
nature in the way that Rudaki has and be blind from birth? Some scholars,
like Abu Hayyan Tawhidi, who lived close to Rudaki's time, give a positive
answer. "Rudaki was born blind," Tawhidi says. "When he was
asked about how he visualized colors, he answered, like camels."
([Rudaki] az madar kur bizad, guftand rang dar nazdi to chegune ast? Guft
manandi shutur).[17] The response is ambiguous. It can mean he saw colors in
the same way that he saw camels, or it can mean he saw color in the same
manner that camels visualize color!
Could Rudaki have lost his vision gradually, or suddenly, due to an illness
or unknown circumstance? In the West, Herman Ete was the first to cast doubt
on Rudaki's blindness from birth; he was then followed by other scholars.[18]
M. M. Gerasimov, who examined Rudaki's remains (1970), concluded that towards
the end of his life the poet refused to follow tradition to produce empty
praises of the ruler for pay. They held red-hot iron rods before his eyes and
blinded him.[19] Aini states that the poet's ability to compose poetry is
related to his hearing rather than to his vision. His verdict is that the
poet was blind from birth. In either case, there is no doubt that Rudaki has
a keen appreciation of images—seen or described to him. They form a wonderful
reservoir on which he draws for the similes and metaphors with which he
enriches his verse.
On the basis of 'Awfi's report, Gerasimov's effort at reconstructing Rudaki's
physical features, and taking into account Sadriddin Aini's and Abdulghani
Mirzoev's studies of Rudaki's life, the following general assertion can be
made. Rudaki lived a happy life as a child, listening to his people's stories
and songs, learning about his contemporaries' ways, as well as about their
aspirations and needs.[20] He lived a highly protected life at court and a
forlorn and frustrating one after his banishment. He put words to his diverse
experiences and expressed his peoples' desires alongside his own sentiments.
Blindness to him seems to have been a nuisance, by no means a hindrance.
Another issue that scholars have dwelled on is related to religion,
especially Isma'ili Shi'ism that played a major role at the courts of the
region; the Isma'ilis were seeking prominent personalities to support their
doctrine and da'wa. It is alleged that Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II was an Isma'ili
and shared the faith with Abu al-Fazl Bal'ami who served as his prime
minister for a long time. It is further speculated that Rudaki was a favorite
of Abu al-Fazl Bal'ami and, according to Ravandi, there is evidence that
Rudaki, and a number of other figures of the time, had Isma'ili
tendencies.[21] According to Rypka, Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II shared his
Isma'ili tendencies with Rudaki.[22] This indicates that Nasr II, Bal'ami,
and Rudaki shared the same views, if not the same faith. A fallout between
Bal'ami and the Amir resulted in the dismissal of Bal'ami from the court in
937, and the banishment of Bal'ami's protÈgÈ, Rudaki, soon after. Whether the
fallout was politically motivated, or was the result of religious intrigue,
is hard to tell. What is certain is that Rudaki did not survive the
humiliation and the lack of support at the court that he had enjoyed for the
greater part of his life. According to Al-Ansab of Sam'ani, Rudaki died in
wretched poverty in 940 (329 AH) in the village of Banuj.[23] Some of his
later poetry describes his sentiments about his past and his disappointment
with Fate. His qasidah entitled Shikayat az Piri (Complaint about Old Age) is
an example.[24] Power politics, it seems, may have played a decisive role in
the double banishment from the court rather than shared religious sentiments.
Yet another issue is related to Rudaki's connection with Kalilah wa Dimnah.
The difficulty here is that this work was considered lost in its entirety
until recently when some 120 bayts of it were discovered. The original work
known variously as Pancha-Tantra, or the "Fables of the Bidpai,"
was part of the treasury of the rulers of India. Burzuyeh, the famed
physician of Khusrow I Anushirvan (531-579), brought Pancha-Tantra to the
Sassanian court, translated it into Pahlavi (Middle Persian) and, using other
Indian sources, expanded it. Buzurgmehr, the well-known Sassanian wazir of
Anushirvan, in recognition of the contributions of the physician, added yet
another chapter about Burzuyeh to the work. After the fall of Iran to Islam,
Ibn Muqaffa' (d. AD 762) translated Kalilah wa Dimnah into Arabic and Aban
ibn Abd al-Hamid Lahaqi (d. AD 815) rendered the text into Arabic verse. It
was not until the time of Nasr ibn Ahmad II that, encouraged by Abul Fadl
Bal'ami, Rudaki produced a versified Dari (Farsi) version of the work.
According to Firdowsi, Rudaki rendered the stories into Dari verse while the
stories were being read to him.[25] Since 120 verses of the work have been
attested to, it is safe to assume that Rudaki's connection to Kalilah wa
Dimnah is firm.
Rudaki's life was quite eventful, especially during his youth. In fact, a
good deal of the qasidah (ode) called Shikayat az Piri is a recollection of
his youth, discussing his appearance, his association with women, and regret
over the wealth that he had acquired and squandered. [26] His opulent life
style and the fact that at the time he had the ear of the Amir have spawned a
number of stories about him. The most fabulous among these stories is the one
about an event in Herat that led to the composition and recital of his Buy-e
Ju-ye Muliyan, or "The Fragrance of the Muliyan Brook."
The story is centered on Rudaki's power of persuasion. According to Nizami
Samarqandi in his Chahar Maqala (Four Discourses), Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad II,
Rudaki's main patron, wintered in Bukhara but spent spring and summer time in
other delightful spots. One year the Amir had not only overstayed his visit
to Herat but intended to spend the winter there as well. The Amir's retinue,
the commanders of the army, and others who had been anxious to return to
Bukhara, and to their families were disappointed at the revelation. They
approached Rudaki and asked him to use his power of persuasion to move the
Amir so that he would depart for his beloved Bukhara. Here is the
transcription of the text of the poem that Rudaki composed and recited for
the occasion. The transcription is followed by this author's translation:
Transcription
Buy-e Ju-ye Muliyan ayad hami,
Yad-e yar-e mehraban ayad hami.
Rig-e Amu-yu doroshtiha-ye u,
Zir-e pa chun parniyan ayad hami.
Ey Bukhara shad bash u dir zi,
Mir zi tu shadman ayad hami.
Ab-e Jaihun az neshat-e ru-ye dust,
Khenge ma-ra ta miyan ayad hami.
Mir mah ast u Bukhara aseman,
Mah su-ye aseman ayad hami.
Mir sarv ast u Bukhara busetan,
Sarv su-ye busetan ayad hami.
Translation
The sweet fragrance of the Muliyan brook,
Recalls memories, so long ago forsook.
Rough sands of the Oxus beneath my feet,
Caress them as would silk, soft and sweet.
Enjoy life everlasting, always full of cheer,
Your guest's the Amir, ever joyous and dear.
Tumultuous Oxus, full of joy and mirth,
Greets us and leaps warmly to our girth.
O Bukhara!
Thou art the Sky, brilliant Moon is He,
O mighty Sky, embrace Thy Moon with glee.
Thou art the Mead, stately Cypress He,
Receive Thee anon, Thy beloved Cypress tree.
The
story goes that the Amir did not wait for the qasidah to conclude. While
Rudaki was still strumming his lute and singing, the Amir set off for
Bukhara, leaving his riding-boots to be carried after him.[27] The
circumstances of this event have been immortalized in a number of ways. To
begin with, four hundred years after its composition, Vassaf composed an
imitation of Buy-e ju-ye Muliyan. Rypka speculates that Vassaf felt that the
poem did not carry the weight that it had been afforded.[28] In more recent
times, Satim Ulughzoda, a major Tajik playwright, wrote a film script called
Qismat-i Sho'ir (the Lot of the Poet),[29] and a movie was produced around
the theme in 1957. Rasul Hadi-Zade's short story, "A Wind From
Home," deals with the same subject.[30] But nowhere are the
circumstances as neatly and appropriately recreated as in Haydn's Symphony 45
in F Sharp Minor; the symphony is appropriately called the "Farewell
Symphony." It is the symphony's final movement that brings Rudaki's
skill to mind most prominently.[31]
As is the case in "The Fragrance of the Muliyan Brook," the 4th
movement is intended to gently remind Prince Nicholas Esterhazy that Vienna
was waiting for his arrival, and that he should pack up and leave his summer
palace. The prince had spent the entire fall of 1772 in Esterhazy and the
length of his stay had affected the men in Haydn's orchestra; they were anxious
to get home to their families in Vienna. In the same way that the soldiers
and commanders in the camp of the Amir had approached Rudaki, the men of the
orchestra approached their master, Haydn, and persuaded him to compose a
symphony that would persuade the prince to hasten his departure for Vienna.
Haydn obliged with Symphony 45 in F Sharp Minor. In the last movement,
Haydn's fast, driving dramatic music gives way to a gentle conclusion. At
this point, per Haydn's instructions, the players, as they finished their
solo parts, put out their candles and, one by one, left the stage. At the end
of the movement only two violinists, one of whom was Haydn himself, remained,
playing muted violins in the dark hall. They, too, in due time, blew out
their candles and left the dark stage. Within a week of the performance,
Prince Esterhazy and his courtiers arrived in Vienna and all was well.
Needless to say, Haydn's "Farewell Symphony" became Prince Nicholas
Esterhazy's most favorite symphony.
Persian sources attribute anywhere from 100,000 to 1,300,000 bayts to
Rudaki.[32] Of these, only 1,000 bayts are in existence, and even those are
fragments scattered among a number of biographies, histories, and books of
advice.[33] Rudaki's major themes include passage of time, old age, the
inevitability of natural death, the fickleness of fortune, importance of the
matters of the heart, and the need to stay happy. He pays special attention
to the role of the individual in the improvement of one's self and society.
The individual, he says, must strive to achieve what is best for him.
Although he lavishly showers kings, nobles, and champions with praises, his
most cherished idols are knowledge and experience. This bayt, which until
recently was thought to have been the only one surviving from the nearly
12,000 bayts of Kalilah wa Dimnah, appears on Rudaki's monument in
Dushanbe.[34] It underscores the poet's lasting dedication to knowledge and
experience:
Har ki namukht az guzashti ruzgar,
Niz namuzad zi hich amuzgar.
No ordinary teacher will ever reach,
Those whom Time has failed to teach.
Early court poetry used a very simple style. Rudaki's poetry follows that
tradition and, while avoiding Arabism, reflects the charm of the pre-Islamic
poetry of Iran. This is remarkable considering that his predecessors, two
generations ago, had adopted the Arabic meter and rhyme schemes, as well as
Arabic style, thought, and expression.
Because he avoids Arabism and does not use Qur'anic verses, his poetry is
accessible to schoolchildren of today who enjoy his verses with little need
for either explanation or interpretation.[35] It must be stated that, in
spite of their simple diction, Rudaki's verses include a complete array of
Persian poetic meters, used for the first time, and some 35 Persian rhythmic
variations.[36] Altogether these account for why he is regarded as one of the
greatest poets of the Khurasan school.
In general, Rudaki's poetic legacy can be divided into three categories. In
the earlier stages of his career, he wrote love lyrics. Later on, love poetry
gave way to poems focused on ethical themes. A prominent example of this is
his versification of the Kalilah and Dimnah discussed earlier. Towards the
end of his life, he wrote about his dissatisfaction with the situation in
which he found himself, forlorn and in abject poverty. A good example of the
poetry of this period is his Shikayat az Piri. This qasidah, like his other
qasidahs, is unique in that it begins with a simple introductory set of
remarks in the form of a ghazal, dealing with the main theme of the poem—old
age.
Mara besudu foru rikht anchi dandan bud,
Nabud dandan labal chiraghi taban bud;
Every tooth, ah me, has crumbled, dropped and fallen in decay!
Tooth it was not, nay say rather, 'twas a brilliant lamp's bright ray;[37]
Old age is inevitable, he says. There is no reason, therefore, to look for
either Providence, or Saturn's curse, to blame it on. The memories of the
hours, days, and years that have resulted in one's old age remain unchanged.
Those memories are as vivid at the end of life as they were when the Master
of Time dealt them. Two things lingered in his imagination: the beauties he
took to bed and the wealth he squandered.
Unfortunately, Rudaki's diwan, even though comparatively smaller in size than
those of others, has not received the attention that it deserves. As Halimjan
Za'irov clearly states, there are instances in the diwan where a closer
scrutiny would yield better results than what is available today. This is not
to deny the great work of Sa'id Nafisi and many others. Nevertheless,
Rudaki's scattered verses deserve much more attention.[38] The study of the
poetry of Rudaki in the West has a relatively long and productive history. It
begins in the 19th century with Amede Jardin's 1814 work entitled Iran,
followed by Hammer Purgshtal's History of Persian Poetry in 1818, and Louis
Liobo's Iran, which includes a biography of Rudaki (1841). With the
appearance of the German scholar Herman Ete's Rudaki: the Poet of the
Samanids (1873), the study of Rudaki enters a new phase. In his essay, Ete
culls Rudaki verses from 23 sources and provides translations for each. In
subsequent decades, Ete's work becomes the standard work for further study of
Rudaki.
The contribution of the French appeared in James Darmesteter's The Appearance
of Persian Poetry, published in 1887. Darmesteter evaluated Rudaki's verses,
gave him very high marks, and called him the Homer of Iran. In 1890, the
British author Charles Pickering called Rudaki Iran's Chaucer and reminded
his audience that at the time that Rudaki contributed his masterpieces,
Europe was passing through its dark ages.
In the 20th century in the West, the American scholar Paul Horn's 1904
History of Persian Literature is followed by William Jackson's The Ancient
Poetry of Iran (1919). A most remarkable contribution in the middle of the
20th century is, of course, Jan Rypka's The History of Perso-Tajik Literature
in Czech (1956), followed by an English translation, The History of Iranian
Literature in 1968.
In the East, contributions begin in the early 20th century with the Urdu
scholar Shibli Nu'mani's five-volume work entitled Shi'r ul-Ajam (1924),
wherein he provides a comprehensive view of Rudaki.[39] This is followed in
Iran by the three-volume contribution of Sa'id Nafisi entitled, Life and
Verses of Abu 'Abdullah Ja'far ibn Muhammad Rudaki. This work, completed
during the decade of the 1930's, provides the most comprehensive study of the
life and works of the poet. Other Iranian scholars who followed Sa'id Nafisi
in providing information on Rudaki are Hushang Mustawfi, Prominent Iranian
Poets (1934); Rezazade Shafaq, History of Iranian Literature (1943); and
Zabihullah Safa, History of Literature in Iran (1955). In Russia, A.
Krimskii's History of Iran, Its Literature and Sufism, appeared in 1914,
followed by Tajikistan's Sadriddin Aini's Ustad Rudaki. Aini not only studied
the poetry of Rudaki but also investigated the circumstances of the poet's
birth and death. He even discovered the burial place of Rudaki.[40] His
findings resulted in a celebration of the anniversary of the birth of the
poet in Tajikistan in 1958. In 1960, E. Bertles examined the whole corpus of
Rudaki's work in light of the documents of the time.[41] The literary historian
Abdulghani Mirzoev, who has published a number of articles and treatises on
the poet, has also contributed a great deal to our better understanding of
Rudaki's life and times.[42] Mirzoev's contributions include Rudaki wa
Inkishafi Ghazal dar Sadahai Dah to Panzdahi Miladi (Rudaki and the Discovery
of Ghazal during the 10th to the 15th Centuries) and Asari Rudaki (Rudaki's
Works), both published in 1958.[43] Rasul Hadizadeh's article regarding the
most recent activitoes in Tajikistan regarding Rudaki is also noteworthy.[44]
The study of the works of Rudaki is an ongoing event in the various countries
of the Middle East. Rather than in monographs, Raudaki's works appear in
textbooks, letters, and journals in Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, and Tunis.[45]
Little can be added to the body of literature on Rudaki other than stating
that his life took the trajectory that the lives of many of the poets of his
generation took—from poverty to riches and back to poverty. His assets were
his talent as a first-rate poet, good looks, eloquence in reciting his own
superb poetry, and the ability to accompany his recitations with his own
musical performance. His deficits included an allegation of Isma'ilism within
a triangle of power that led to the demise of both his patron and himself.
His contributions include some 1000 verses in almost all the genres, and his
inclusion in that poetry of a nearly complete prosodic scheme for future
Persian poets to follow. His Kalilah wa Dimnah remains a superb contribution
in Iranian and Islamic ethics. It would not be an exaggeration to assert that
without the foundation that Rudaki established for Iranian nationalism, and
without the urgency with which he prompted Iranians to return to their roots,
phenomena like the codification of the Khudainameh and the creation of
Firdowsi's monumental Shahname might not have happened.[46] In fact, Ja'far
Yahaqqi, who assesses the impact of Rudaki's verses on Persian poets who
followed him, states that Rudaki's influence on Khayyam was great because
Khayyam built upon the Iranian thought that was sustained by Rudaki.
Furthermore, he regards this influence to be cumulative. Rumi, he says, used
Iranian thought in a unique way while Hafiz summarized it into what we
recognize as his wisdom and rendi.[47]
Selected Bibliography
Ajamoughli, Allie. Little Known Facts about Classical Composers,
www1.gcs.k12.al.us/~techblitz06/ppt/composers.ppt, Downloaded January 30,
2007.
Anushe, Hassan. Daneshnameye Adabii Farsi (An Encyclopedia of Persian
Literature), Daneshnameh Publishers, 1997.
Arberry, A. J. Classical Persian Literature, George Allen & Unwin Ltd.,
1958.
Aryanpur, Manoochehr. A History of Persian Literature, Kayhan Press, 1973.
Babaev, Faizullah, "Se Pirahani Yusef," Rudaki, vols. 8-9. 2005-06,
pp. 11-21.
Bashiri, Iraj. Prominent Tajik Figures of the Twentieth Century, The
International Borbad Foundation, Academy of Sciences of Tajikistan, 2002.
Browne, Edward G. A Literary History of Persia, vols. I-IV, Goodword Books,
2002.
Brazinskii, I. "Rudaki," Ensaiklopediai Sovetii Tojik (Soviet Tajik
Encyclopedia), vols. I-VIII (M.S. Osemi, ed.), Dushanbe, 1986.
Dehkhuda, Ali Akbar. "Letter R," Lughatnama, Tehran
University Press, 1956.
Ghafurov, Bobojon. Tojikon: Ta'rikhi Qadimtarin, Qadim, Asri Mianah, va
Davrai Nav, (The Tajiks: Their Most Remote History, Remote History, Medieval
Times, and Modern Days), Irfan Publishers, 1998.
Hadizadeh, Rasul, "Az Rudaki ta 'Ruzi Rudaki'," Rudaki, vols. 8-9,
2005-06, pp. 208-213.
_____. "A Wind From Home," At the Foot of the Blue Mountains:
Stories by Tajik Authors, Raduga Publishers, Moscow, 1984.
Habibi, Abdulhai. Tarikhi Afghanestan Ba'd az Eslam (History of Afghanistan
After Islam), Dunyai Kitab, 1985.
Isomatov, Ma'ruf. "Ustad Rudaki wa Bal'amiyan: Az Nigahi Ta'rikh,"
Rudaki: Diruz wa Emruz, 2007, pp. 49-64.
Karimian Sardashti, Nader, "Jaigahi Rudaki dar Adabiyyati Arab,"
Rudaki, vols. 8-9, 2005-06, pp. 87-99.Lazard, Gilbert. "The Rise of the
New Persian Language," Cambridge History of Iran, vol. IV, Cambridge
University Press, 1975.
Mirshahi, Mas'ud. "Rudaki wa Ferdowsi," Rudaki: Diruz wa Emruz,
2007, pp. 296-301.
Mulloahmad, Mirza. "Asar-i Rudaki," Rudaki, vols. 8-9, 2005-06, pp.
159-180.
Rahimov, Saadolloh. "Qismati Sho'ir: Shinosnomai Millat," Rudaki:
Diruz wa Emruz, 2007, pp. 652-672.
Rajabov, Askarali. "Historical Traditions of the Time of Rudaki,"
From the Hymns of Zarathustra to the Songs of Borbad (I. Bashiri, ed.), The
International Borbad Foundation, Dushanbe, 2003.
Ravandi, Murteza. Tarikhi Ijtima'ii Iran (A Social History of Iran), vols.
I-VI, Amir Kabir Publishers, 1969.
Rypka, Jan. History of Iranian Literature, D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1968.
Safa, Zabihullah. Tarikhi Adabiyyati Iran (History of Persian Literature),
Tehran, 1988.
Suleymani, Qahraman, "Chera Rudaki Buzurg Ast," Rudaki, vols. 8-9,
2005-06, pp. 5-6.
Yahaqqi, "Rudaki wa Khayyam," Rudaki, vols. 8-9, 2005-06, pp.
213-224.
Za'irov, Halimjan, "Bahsi Piramuni Chand Bayti Rudaki," Rudaki,
vols. 8-9, 2005-06, pp. 23-46.
Zarrinkub, Abdul Hussein. She'ri Bidrugh, She'ri Bineqab (Truthful, Unmasked
Poetry), Muhammad Ali Ilmi Publishers, 1968.
[1] Safa, 1988, p. 371.
[2] Ravandi, 1969, vol. 2, p. 235; Ghafurov, 1998, P. 614.
[3] Suleymani, pp. 5-6.
[4] Some scholars believe that Rudaki entered the Samanid court before the
advent of Nasr ibn Ahmad II. See Anushe, 1997, p. 432.
[5] See Lazard, 1975, pp. 595ff.
[6] "One of his [Rudaki's] contemporaries from western Iran, Abu Hatim
of Ray (d. 322/934), who wrote in Arabic but probably knew Persian, stated
contemptuously: "What has recently been created in Persian by way of
poetry is only talk without meaning, without titles and without usefulness:
there is no divan among Persians", a remark which proves that the predecessors
of Rudaki had not yet succeeded in bringing their work to the notice of
literary circles and having it recognized as true literature." See
Lazard, 1975, p. 618.
[7] Middle Persian had only sixteen letters and used some of those in two or
three different positions to convey some of the sounds.
[8] Rypka, 1968, p 67.
[9] Cf. Babaev, pp. 11-21.
[10] This name is variously recorded as "al-'Anak" and
"al-'Abak."
[11] Patvazhak was originally used under the Sassanians in reciting poetry
accompanied by dutar, chang, barbat, 'ud, tanbur, and rubab. See Rajabov,
2003, p. 155.
[12] See Ghafurov, 1998, p. 512.
[13] For further details, see Anushe, 1979, p. 432.
[14] See Browne, 2002, pp. 365-66.
[15] See Dehkhuda, 1956, p. 123; see also Safa, p. 372; see also Isomatov,
pp. 46-64
[16] Safa, 1988, p. 373.
[17] Brazinskii, p. 432.
[18] Ibid.
[19] Rypka, for instance, agrees that Rudaki became blind later, but does not
provide a cause. He asserts that on the basis of the fact that, according to
Firdowsi, Kalilah wa Dimnah was read to him as he versified it. Rypka, 1968,
p. 144.
[20] Brazinskii, "Rudaki," Ensiklopediai Sovetii Tojik, vol. 6, P.
448.
[21] Ravandi, 1969, vol. 2, pp. 227-28; see also Habibi, 1985, p. 874.
[22] Rypka, 1968, p. 144.
[23] Cf., Brazinskii, "Rudaki," Ensiklopediai Sovetii Tojik, vol.
6, P. 449.
[24] Brazinskii, p. 450. See further below for explanation.
[25] For a more complete account, see Habibi, 1985, p. 736.
[26] It is related that when Rudaki was young, he owned 200 slaves and that
400 camels carried his baggage from Herat to Bukhara.
[27] Aryanpur, 1973, pp. 71-72; see also Arberry, 1958, pp. 32-33; Browne,
2002, vol. 1, pp. 16-17.
[28] Rypka, 1968, p. 145.
[29] Rypka, 1968, p.574. For information on Ulughzoda, see Bashiri, 2002, pp.
362-63; See also Rahimov, p. 652ff..
[30] Hadizade, pp. 147-155. For information on Ulughzoda, see Bashiri, 2002,
pp. 111-12.
[31] Ajamoughli, www1.gcs.k12.al.us/~techblitz06/ppt/composers.ppt.
Downloaded January 30, 2007.
[32] Safa, 1988, p. 378.
[33] Anushe, 1997, p. 433; see also Mulloahmad, pp. 159ff.
[34] At the present, about 120 bayts from the 12,000 original bayts are
available. See Brazinskii, p. 450.
[35] Zarrinkub, 1968, p. 265.
[36] See Anushe 1997, p. 433.
[37] Arberry, 1958, p. 35.
[38] Za'irov, 2005-06, pp. 23-46.
[39] For a comprehensive look at Nu'mani, see Rypka, 1968.
[40] For more information, see Ghafurov, 1998, vols. 1-II, p. 512.
[41] For a more comprehensive account, see Brazinskii, p. 452.
[42] Rypka, 1968, p. 599.
[43] For further information on Mirzoev, see Bashiri, 2002, pp. 195-96
[44] Hadizadeh, pp. 208-213.
[45] For details, see, Karimian, pp. 87-99.
[46] Cf., Mirshahi, pp. 296-301.
[47] Yahaqqi, pp. 213-224.
Lament
in Old Age
Written by
Abu Abullah Rudaki (d. AD 940)
Translated by
A. V. William Jackson,
Reference: Arberry, 1972.
Every tooth, ah me! has crumbled, dropped and fallen in decay!
Tooth it was not, nay say rather, 'twas a brilliant lamp's bright ray;
Each was white and silvery-flashing, pearl and coral in the light,
Glistening like the stars of morning or the raindrop sparkling bright;
Not a one remaineth to me, lost through weakness and decay,
Whose the fault? ''Twas surely Saturn's planetary rule, long lapse of days;
No, the fault of Saturn 'twas not, not the long long lapse of days;
'What then?' I will answer truly: 'Providence which God displays.'
Ever like to this world is--ball of dust as in the past,
Ball of dust for aye remaineth, long as its great law doth last.
That same thing which once was healing, may become a source of pain;
And the thing that now is painful, healing balm may prove again--
Time, in fact, at the same moment bringeth age where once was youth,
And anon rejuvenateth what was gone in eld, forsooth.
Many a desert waste existeth where was once garden glad;
And a garden glad existeth where was once a desert sad.
Ah, thou moon-faced, musky-tressed one, how cans't thou e'er know or deem
What was once thy poor slave's station--how once held in high esteem?
On him now thy curling tresses, coquettish thou dost bestow,
In those days thou didst not see him, when his own rich curls did flow.
Where are the days when my tresses could make you run!
Time there was when he in gladness, happy did himself disport,
Pleasure in excess enjoying, though his silver store ran short;
Always brought he in the market, countless-priced above the rest,
Every captive Turki damsel with a round pomegranate breast.
Ah, how many a beauteous maiden, in whose heart love for him reigned,
Came by night as pilgrim to him, and secret there remained!
Sparkling wine and eyes that ravish, and the face of beauty deep,
High-priced though they might be elsewhere, at my door were ever cheap.
Always happy, never knew I what might be the touch of pain,
And my heart to gladsome music opened like a wide champaign.
Many a heart to silk was softened by the magic of my verse,
Yea, though it were hard as flintstone, anvil-hard, or even worse.
Ever was my keen eye open for a maid's curled tresses long,
Ever alert my ear to listen to the world-wise man of song.
House I had not, wife nor children, no, nor female family ties,
Free from these and unencumbered have I been in every wise.
Rudaki's sad plight in old age, Sage, thou verily dost see;
In those days thou didst not see him as this wretch of low degree.
In those days thou didst not see him when he roved the wild world o'er,
Songs inditing, chatting gaily, with a thousand tales and more.
Time there was when that his verses broadcast through the whole world ran,
Time there was when he all-hailed was, as the bard of Khurasan,
Who had greatness? Who had favour, of all people in the land?
I it was had favour, greatness, from the Saman scions' hand;
Khurasan's own Amir, Nasr, forty thousand dirhams gave,
And a fifth to this was added by Prince of Pure and Brave;
From his nobles, widely scattered, came a sixty thousand more;
Those the times when mine was fortune, fortune good in plenteous store.
Now the times have changed--and I, too, changed and altered must succumb,
Bring the beggar's staff here to me; time for staff and script has come!
Mother of Wine
Written by
Abu Abullah Rudaki (d. AD 940)
The mother of wine must be sacrificed,
And her children seized and cast into prison.
But you won't be able to take her children from her
Unless you first trample her underfoot and drag her soul from her
Nor is it lawful to separate babe
From its mother's breast,
Until it has nursed a full seven months,
From April until the end of October...
Ju-yi Muliyan
Written by
Abu Abullah Rudaki (d. AD 940)
Translated by A. J. Arberry, 1958
The Ju-yi Mulian we call to mind,
We long for those dear friends long left behind.
The sands of Oxus, toilsome though they be,
Beneath my feet were soft as silk to me.
Glad at the friend's return, the Oxus deep
Up to our girths in laughing waves shall leap.
Long live Bukhara! Be thou of good cheer!
Joyous towards thee hasteth our Amir!
The moon's the prince, Bukhara is the sky;
O Sky, the Moon shall light thee by and by!
Bukhara is the Mead, the Cypress he;
Receive at last, O Mead, thy Cypress tree!
The
Muliyan Brook I Recall
Written by
Abu Abullah Rudaki (d. AD 940)
Translated by Iraj Bashiri
Copyright, Iraj Bashiri, 2004
The sweet fragrance of the Muliyan brook,
Recalls memories, so long ago forsook.
Rough sands of the Oxus beneath my feet,
Caress them as silk would, soft and sweet.
Enjoy life everlasting, always full of cheer,
Your guest's the Amir, ever joyous and dear.
Tumultuous Oxus, full of joy and mirth,
Greeting us, leaps warmly to our girth.
O Bukhara!
Thou art the Sky, brilliant Moon is He,
O mighty Sky, embrace Thy Moon with glee.
Thou art the Mead, stately Cypress He,
Receive Thee anon, Thy beloved Cypress tree.
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Aahangar
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